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Jewish prisoners liberated from Gęsiówka prison by the ‘Zośka’ battalion, wikimedia commons

Jewish Dilemmas in August 1944

On 1^st August, 1944, at the outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising, several dozen members of the Jewish Combat Organization were hiding in the capital. Unlike the decimated ŻZW (Żydowski Związek Wojskowy – Jewish Military Union) whose entire command was lost before the summer of 1943 and whose members were dispersed, ŻOB maintained organizational continuity in the ‘Aryan Side’ i.e. in German occupied Warsaw, on the other side of the ghetto walls.

A few months after the uprising in the ghetto, ŻOB attempted to begin forming a Jewish unit within the Polish AK (Armia Krajowa – Home Army) and the leaders of the Jewish underground who were in the ‘Aryan district’, outside the ghetto, maintained constant contact with the Polish Government in Exile (London). Although the outbreak of the 1944 uprising took Jewish fighters by surprise, it was clear that they would join the fight. The only decision left was which unit to join. As Simcha Rotem recalled, „The basic question arose—whether to join the AK or the AL. The question—whether to take part in the Uprising at all—was never asked. It was obvious that we would fight.”

In a proclamation issued on 3^rd August 1944 and signed by Icchak Antek Cukierman, the ŻOB leadership appealed to the Jewish population hiding on the ‘Aryan side’: “Today we stand together with the entire Polish nation in the fight for freedom [...]. We call on all [...] ŻOB fighters and all Jewish youth capable of fighting to continue the resistance and fight, from which no one is allowed to stand aloof. Join the ranks of the insurgents.”

Years later, Cukierman reflected on this moment: “[The Jews in hiding] kept dreaming about the moment when they would be able to fight against the Germans. Then, on 1^st August, 1944, the opportunity came, allowing them to fulfil this dream.”

However, the decision to join the fight or even to leave the safety of the closed hideout was not easy for the Jews in hiding. While the uprising freed them from the immediate threat of German persecution, it exposed them to other dangers. Abandoning the hideout meant facing a Polish environment that was often hostile. Those who wished to continue hiding had to contend with a completely new set of challenges: the possibility of being cut off from their Polish protectors, a lack of provisions, and the potential destruction of their bunker or hiding place.

Joining the fighting units was also fraught with challenges for the Jews. The Polish fighters had limited weapons, which they were reluctant to share. More fundamentally, there was widespread distrust among Polish insurgents, particularly within units of the National Armed Forces, who often viewed Jews as communists and Soviet spies. The threat of a Jewish insurgent being targeted by a „stray bullet” from a comrade was a genuine concern. Revealing one’s true identity could be fatal; for instance, on the first day of the uprising, Jerzy Grasberg, an associate of Aleksander Kamiński and contributor to the „Biuletyn Informacyjny” with materials on the ghetto, was shot by the Home Army on charges of espionage.

Despite the uncertainty, numerous dilemmas, and threats faced by the Jews, the euphoria of the initial moments of freedom was infectious. Doctor Adina Blady-Szwajger recalled this moment:

“At 5 p.m. I heard shots. I ran out onto the stairs. I will never forget this impression. A Polish officer was running down the stairs—in the uniform of the Carpathian Brigade! Everyone was crying, and I was with them. In the basement [...] a field hospital was being set up. I approached the commandant [...], introduced myself, told him who I was, and was immediately included among the hospital staff.”

Similarly, Zbigniew Grabowski reflected on his decision not to reveal his Jewish identity:

“Right after the outbreak of the Uprising, I volunteered for service and served (without a weapon) in the auxiliary sapper team of the ‘Kiliński’ battalion of the Home Army (pseudonym: ‘Chemik’). I consider the Uprising to be the most important and happiest period of my life. I was euphoric; I was in awe of freedom, the white-and-red armband, and the longed-for fight against the Germans. This was the reaction of a 17-year-old loner after the terrible, endlessly long years of German occupation, when I lived with the awareness of the threat of death at every moment. Death was symbolised for me by every German. However, it was also hidden in the looks of my Catholic comrades. Looking people in the eye, I sometimes noticed a characteristic flash of recognition of my secret, signalling that I had to disappear from that person’s sight immediately. Even during the Uprising, I had no desire to reveal my identity, because I remembered those flashes in the eye.”

Samuel Willenberg made a different decision. A soldier in the Polish Army during the September Campaign and later a participant in the Treblinka rebellion, he joined the ‘Ruczaj’ battalion of the Home Army using his real name. As he explained years later, he did not want to die under the fictitious name ‘Ignacy Popow’, which appeared in his documents at the time.

Jews in the Warsaw Uprising

Determining the exact number of Jews who participated in the Warsaw Uprising is challenging, as many retained their assumed Polish names. It is estimated that around 800 Jews joined the armed struggle. They were integrated into both Home Army  units and the People’s Army (AL), with some having been involved in Polish underground activities long before the uprising’s outbreak.

The only strictly Jewish formation in the uprising was an independent platoon formed by the Jewish Combat Organization, which fought within the 3rd battalion of the AL. Notable members included Icchak Cukierman, Marek Edelman, Cywia Lubetkin, Kazik Ratajzer (Symcha Rotem), Sara Biderman, Irena Gelblum, Tuwia Borzykowski, Julian Fiszgrund, and Józef Sak. This platoon initially fought in the areas of Mostowa and Rybaki Streets and later at Bugaj Street. At the end of August, they evacuated through the sewers to Żoliborz, where they continued to fight.

Though the full list of Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Uprising may never be known, some notable individuals include: Roman Born-Bornstein – Deputy of the ‘Chrobry II’ Group and later head of the sanitary service of the 4th District of the AK Śródmieście District; Emilia Rozencwajg, codename ‘Marylka’ – Commander of liaisons and medics in the Home Army’s ‘Łukasiński’ Battalion; Alicja Zipper, codename ‘Alina’ – Liaison and medic on the staff of Col. Antoni Chruściel, codename ‘Monter’.Several pre-war communist activists also served in the AL staff, including: Lieutenant Anastazy Matywiecki, codename ‘Nastek’; Captain Edward Lanota, codename ‘Edward’; Captain Stanisław Kurland, codename ‘Korab,’ who died on 26^th August, 1944 during a bombing at 16 Freta Street in the Old Town.

Two teenage liaisons in the Sokół Security Corps battalion became legends: Załman Hochman, codename ‘Miki Bandyta,’ and his brother Perec, codename ‘Korab.’ After the liquidation of the ghetto, they supported themselves by selling cigarettes at Trzech Krzyży Square.

Jewish doctors also contributed significantly to the uprising, working in insurgent hospitals. Notable names include Adina Blady-Szwajger, Szmul Gilgun, Michał Lejpuner, Idel Singer, Stefan Rotmil, and Edward Zwilling.

Most of the Jewish prisoners liberated in two AK actions joined the uprising. On 1^st August, just after the “W” hour, a Kedyw unit liberated 50 prisoners from the Umschlagplatz, including Chaim Goldstein, a member of the French resistance movement and a former prisoner of KL Auschwitz. Among the liberators were Stanisław Aronson and Stanisław Likiernik, Poles of Jewish origin, who, along with Krzysztof Sobieszczański, inspired the character of Columbus (Stanisław Skiernik) in Roman Bratny’s novel Kolumbowie. Year 20. Additionally, most of the 348 Jewish prisoners of Gęsiówka prison liberated by the ‘Zośka’ battalion on 5^th August, joined the fighting. These included citizens from Greece, the Netherlands, Germany, and Hungary, who participated in fortification and auxiliary work, including extinguishing fires. Unfortunately, on 6^th August 1944, at 79/81 Wolska Street, approximately 2,000 people, including 50 Jews liberated from Gęsiówka, were likely murdered by the Germans.

The fate of the Jewish civilian population was as tragic as that of the Polish civilians during the uprising. Many perished under bombardments or were executed. Those seeking shelter in basements and bunkers often faced anti-Semitic attitudes from the Poles hiding alongside them. After the uprising, some Jews, using forged documents, were sent with other Varsovians to the transit camp in Pruszków (Dulag 121). An un-estimated number chose to hide in the city’s ruins, with no more than 200 Jewish ‘Warsaw Robinson Crusoes’ surviving until the liberation of Warsaw.

Tłomackie Street during the Warsaw Uprising

Tłomackie Street, where the building of the Jewish Historical Institute is located, became a site of intense fighting during the Warsaw Uprising. On 2^nd August 1944, a significant victory for the insurgents occurred here. A unit led by Officer Cadet Franciszek Łotocki (codename ‘Ostrze’) drove the Germans out of the telephone exchange building at 10 Tłomackie Street. This achievement enabled the insurgents to maintain vital telephone communication between Śródmieście and Żoliborz.

A few days later, on 8^th August, the Germans attempted to retake Tłomackie Street from Polish control. The barricade built by the insurgents across the street became the focus of a three-hour German assault, which the defenders successfully repelled.

On 13^th August 1944, the Germans launched an attack on the Old Town, advancing through Tłomackie Street towards Bielańska Street. During the fierce fighting, the aforementioned telephone exchange and the insurgent barricade changed hands at least twice. On the insurgent side, forces involved included the battalion led by Captain Stefan Kaniewski (codename ‘Nałęcz’), the platoon commanded by Lieutenant Władysław Jachowicz (codename ‘Konar’), and the platoon under Lieutenant Mikołaj Dunin-Marcinkiewicz (codename ‘Lis’).

Ultimately, on 20^th August, during a general German offensive towards the Old Town, the insurgent forces were compelled to retreat from Tłomackie. Both the street and Tłomackie Square were subsequently razed to the ground.

Bibliography:

Barbara Engelking, Dariusz Libionka, Żydzi w powstańczej Warszawie, Warsaw: CBnZŻ Association, 2009

Paweł Fijałkowski, Zagłada Tłomackiego, „Miasteczko Poznań. Pismo społeczno-kulturalne” 2023, nr 2.

Tłomackie – place and people, ed. Paweł Fijałkowski, Warsaw 2023

Warsze-Warszawa. Żydzi w historii miasta 1414–2014, ed. Paweł Fijałkowski, Warsaw: ŻIH Publishing House 2020